Carlos Fabião
Universidade de Lisboa, Centro de Arqueologia, Faculty Member
- Classical Archaeology, Archaeological Method & Theory, Archaeological Theory, Ceramic Analysis (Archaeology), Ancient economies (Archaeology), Ceramics (Archaeology), and 28 moreAncient numismatics (Archaeology), Roman Pottery, Archaeological Fieldwork, Roman Army, Archaeology of Mediterranean Trade, Archaeological Ethics, Archaeology and politics, Archaeological Education, Archaeological Methodology, Roman Settlement, Illicit Antiquities Trade, Archaeology of salt, Archaeological Methodes and Pratices, Roman Britain and Europe, Roman manufacturing, Archaeology, Maritime Archaeology, Underwater Archaeology, Celtic Archaeology, Spain, Late Antique and Byzantine Studies, Late Antiquity, Late Antique Archaeology, History of Archaeology, Ripolles, Roman Archaeology, Battlefield Archaeology, and Stamped Amphora handlesedit
- Archaeology professor at Lisbon University, researcher at Centro de Arqueologia da Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa (Uniarq)edit
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Research Interests: Archaeology, Prehistoric Archaeology, Geoarchaeology, Urban archaeology, Modern archaeology, and 7 moreArqueologia Medieval, Muralhas, The archaeology of resource management and sustainability in ports and harbours, Roman Archaeology, Earthquake 1755, Arqueología De Las Fortificaciones, and Lisbon Archeaology
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RESUMO Na sequência da reconstrução da cidade de Lisboa depois do grande terremoto de 1755, foi identificado em 1771 um edifício termal público de época romana, usualmente conhecido como Thermae Cassiorum, por uma inscrição ali... more
RESUMO Na sequência da reconstrução da cidade de Lisboa depois do grande terremoto de 1755, foi identificado em 1771 um edifício termal público de época romana, usualmente conhecido como Thermae Cassiorum, por uma inscrição ali encontrada, no sítio das Pedras Negras, local onde se ergueu o Palácio do Correio Mor do Reino. No interior do arruinado edifício foi encontrada uma estátua couraçada em mármore branco de excelente qualidade, da qual existem três descrições, realizadas por diferentes informadores, Thomaz Caetano de Bem, Caetano Joze Mendes e Manuel Rodrigues Maia. Compilando a informação existente é possível supor tratar-se de uma estátua de Mars Ultor, seguindo o modelo dos Museus Capitolinos de Roma: estátua couraçada em tamanho natural, cabeça barbada com elmo ornado, segurando no braço esquerdo um escudo e com caligae nos pés. Os informadores dizem que a estátua foi guardada na Sala do Risco, o que significa ter recebido à época o devido cuidado e atenção. Contudo, não se conhece o seu paradeiro, nem nenhum desenho da mesma. As razões do seu "desaparecimento" poderão ser: ter dado entrada em alguma colecção privada onde ainda se conservará (a menos provável), ter sido levada pelas tropas francesas ou inglesas, no decurso da Guerra Peninsular. A busca do seu paradeiro tem de continuar. ABSTRACT During the reconstruction of Lisbon, after the 1755 great earthquake, a Roman public bath house was found in 1771, usually known as Thermae Cassiorum from an inscription found there, at the Pedras Negras area, where the new Palace of Royal Post was build.
ABSTRACT
During the reconstruction of Lisbon, after the 1755 great earthquake, a Roman public bath house was found in 1771, usually known as Thermae Cassiorum from an inscription found there, at the Pedras Negras area, where the new Palace of Royal Post was build.
Inside the ruined bath house was found a thoracata statue in excellent white marble, about which we have three different sources, Thomas Caetano de Bem, Caetano Joze Mendes and Manuel Rodrigues Maia. Compiling all information it is plausible to suppose that the statue depicts Mars Ultor, after the Capitoline’s Museums model from Rome: thoracata statue in regular size, beard head with crested ornamented helmet, holding a shield in the left arm and with caligae wearing its feet. All informers said the statue was kept at Sala do Risco, which means it was careful kept after the recovering. Unfortunately we know nothing about its actual location and neither a single drawing of the statue is known.
The explanations for the strange vanishing of the statue may be: the statue is closed in some private collection (less probable); being spoiled by French or British troops at the end of the Peninsular War. The quest for this vanishing statue must go on.
KEYWORDS: Statue; Mars Ultor; Olisipo; Lusitania.
ABSTRACT
During the reconstruction of Lisbon, after the 1755 great earthquake, a Roman public bath house was found in 1771, usually known as Thermae Cassiorum from an inscription found there, at the Pedras Negras area, where the new Palace of Royal Post was build.
Inside the ruined bath house was found a thoracata statue in excellent white marble, about which we have three different sources, Thomas Caetano de Bem, Caetano Joze Mendes and Manuel Rodrigues Maia. Compiling all information it is plausible to suppose that the statue depicts Mars Ultor, after the Capitoline’s Museums model from Rome: thoracata statue in regular size, beard head with crested ornamented helmet, holding a shield in the left arm and with caligae wearing its feet. All informers said the statue was kept at Sala do Risco, which means it was careful kept after the recovering. Unfortunately we know nothing about its actual location and neither a single drawing of the statue is known.
The explanations for the strange vanishing of the statue may be: the statue is closed in some private collection (less probable); being spoiled by French or British troops at the end of the Peninsular War. The quest for this vanishing statue must go on.
KEYWORDS: Statue; Mars Ultor; Olisipo; Lusitania.
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Apresenta-se uma breve síntese sobre o actual conhecimento da cidade romana de Felicitas Iulia Olisipo, explicando como foi, primeiro, conhecida de um ponto de vista literário e através das inscrições gravadas em pedra, depois, revelada... more
Apresenta-se uma breve síntese sobre o actual conhecimento
da cidade romana de Felicitas Iulia Olisipo, explicando
como foi, primeiro, conhecida de um ponto de vista literário
e através das inscrições gravadas em pedra, depois, revelada pela
reconstrução que se seguiu ao grande terramoto de 1755 e, finalmente, hoje em dia, cada vez mais revelada pelas intervenções
arqueológicas no tecido urbano, decorrentes da reabilitação e reconversão do edificado.
Sabemos agora que, apesar da sua localização periférica, nos confins
do mundo conhecido, a grande cidade portuária romana explorava
os recursos marinhos que a riqueza piscícola do Atlântico lhe proporcionava, exportava os seus preparados de peixe, tirava partido
da riqueza aurífera do Tejo e dos recursos agrícolas possibilitados
pelos bons solos da região.
da cidade romana de Felicitas Iulia Olisipo, explicando
como foi, primeiro, conhecida de um ponto de vista literário
e através das inscrições gravadas em pedra, depois, revelada pela
reconstrução que se seguiu ao grande terramoto de 1755 e, finalmente, hoje em dia, cada vez mais revelada pelas intervenções
arqueológicas no tecido urbano, decorrentes da reabilitação e reconversão do edificado.
Sabemos agora que, apesar da sua localização periférica, nos confins
do mundo conhecido, a grande cidade portuária romana explorava
os recursos marinhos que a riqueza piscícola do Atlântico lhe proporcionava, exportava os seus preparados de peixe, tirava partido
da riqueza aurífera do Tejo e dos recursos agrícolas possibilitados
pelos bons solos da região.
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Resumo Apresenta-se uma reflexão historiográfica sobre as visões que o megalitismo foi conhecendo na produção literária portuguesa. Como durante séculos as leituras oscilaram entre a tradicional interpretação como altares gentílicos e uma... more
Resumo
Apresenta-se uma reflexão historiográfica sobre as visões que o megalitismo foi conhecendo na produção literária portuguesa. Como durante séculos as leituras oscilaram entre a tradicional interpretação como altares gentílicos e uma «cristianização» dos mesmos, da autoria deo Académico Martinho de Mendonça e Pina (1733). Com a emergência do novo paradigma laico para a origem e evolução do homem, consolida-se a ideia do carácter funerário destes monumentos e a sua atribuição aos tempos pré-históricos, sem todavia se abandonar totalmente a filiação pagã/céltica. Na primeira metade do
século XX, em época de evidente refluxo da investigação arqueológica em Portugal, encontramos uma curiosa reacção de um escritor, Aquilino Ribeiro (1953), contra o carácter
funerário/cultual destes monumentos, um derradeiro afloramento da contestação à religiosidade pré-histórica, por parte do pensamento ateu de matriz francófona.
No essencial, partindo das leituras sobre o fenómeno megalítico ao longo do tempo,pretende mostrar-se como toda a reflexão histórica-arqueológica se constrói a partir de
distintos paradigmas e como estes condicionam os discursos sobre o passado.
Abstract:
The paper presents a historiographic reflexion on the perspectives on Megaliths in Portuguese literary production. From many centuries those monuments’ interpretation
balances between the typical gentile interpretation and a Christianisation due to the academic Martinho de Mendonça e Pina (1733). With the emergence of the new laic paradigm on evolution, emerges the idea of a Prehistoric funeral function for those monuments even without a definitive abandonment of the pagan gentile affiliation. On the first half of twentieth century in times of clear decline on Portuguese archaeological
investigation we find a curious reaction from a well-known writher Aquilino Ribeiro (1953) against the funerary/sacred megaliths interpretation, one last uprising against the Pre-historic religion from an atheist with strong cultural connections to that French perspective. From the different historiographic points of view we intend to demonstrate
how different paradigms lead to different interpretations and how these interpretations mark different discourses on the Past.
Apresenta-se uma reflexão historiográfica sobre as visões que o megalitismo foi conhecendo na produção literária portuguesa. Como durante séculos as leituras oscilaram entre a tradicional interpretação como altares gentílicos e uma «cristianização» dos mesmos, da autoria deo Académico Martinho de Mendonça e Pina (1733). Com a emergência do novo paradigma laico para a origem e evolução do homem, consolida-se a ideia do carácter funerário destes monumentos e a sua atribuição aos tempos pré-históricos, sem todavia se abandonar totalmente a filiação pagã/céltica. Na primeira metade do
século XX, em época de evidente refluxo da investigação arqueológica em Portugal, encontramos uma curiosa reacção de um escritor, Aquilino Ribeiro (1953), contra o carácter
funerário/cultual destes monumentos, um derradeiro afloramento da contestação à religiosidade pré-histórica, por parte do pensamento ateu de matriz francófona.
No essencial, partindo das leituras sobre o fenómeno megalítico ao longo do tempo,pretende mostrar-se como toda a reflexão histórica-arqueológica se constrói a partir de
distintos paradigmas e como estes condicionam os discursos sobre o passado.
Abstract:
The paper presents a historiographic reflexion on the perspectives on Megaliths in Portuguese literary production. From many centuries those monuments’ interpretation
balances between the typical gentile interpretation and a Christianisation due to the academic Martinho de Mendonça e Pina (1733). With the emergence of the new laic paradigm on evolution, emerges the idea of a Prehistoric funeral function for those monuments even without a definitive abandonment of the pagan gentile affiliation. On the first half of twentieth century in times of clear decline on Portuguese archaeological
investigation we find a curious reaction from a well-known writher Aquilino Ribeiro (1953) against the funerary/sacred megaliths interpretation, one last uprising against the Pre-historic religion from an atheist with strong cultural connections to that French perspective. From the different historiographic points of view we intend to demonstrate
how different paradigms lead to different interpretations and how these interpretations mark different discourses on the Past.
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RESUMO Apresenta-se um conjunto de artefactos metálicos recolhido por métodos não arqueológicos no sítio de Chões de Alpompé, Santarém, usualmente interpretado como povoado pré-romano, uti-lizado como estabelecimento militar romano, desde... more
RESUMO Apresenta-se um conjunto de artefactos metálicos recolhido por métodos não arqueológicos no sítio de Chões de Alpompé, Santarém, usualmente interpretado como povoado pré-romano, uti-lizado como estabelecimento militar romano, desde os finais do século II a.C. até ao período ser-toriano. O conjunto confirma esta utilização militar, sendo particularmente expressivas as provas de um fabrico local de glandes plumbeae. A presença de pequenos lingotes de prata e ouro sugerem também a possibilidade de ali terem existido oficinas de trabalho sobre estes metais. Bastante expressiva afigura-se a presença de um possível lingote com marcas de trísceles impressas, um motivo iconográfico típico do noroeste peninsular, mas desconhecido nas iconografias meridionais. SUMMARY
The paper presents the study of some metallic archaeological artefacts collected at Chões de
Alpompé, Santarém, a pre Roman archaeological site usually associated with the Roman Republican
army, from the Second Century BC until the Sertorius’ rebellion times. The artefact
group confirms the site’s military use, namely by the expressive presence of a large amount of
locally made glandes plumbeae. The presence of some small silver and gold ingots may suggest
the local presence of jewellery workshops. Particular relevance was given to a possible ingot
bearing impressions of triskles, an iconographic motive absent in the Southern areas of the Iberian
Peninsula, but very frequent at the North-western areas.
The paper presents the study of some metallic archaeological artefacts collected at Chões de
Alpompé, Santarém, a pre Roman archaeological site usually associated with the Roman Republican
army, from the Second Century BC until the Sertorius’ rebellion times. The artefact
group confirms the site’s military use, namely by the expressive presence of a large amount of
locally made glandes plumbeae. The presence of some small silver and gold ingots may suggest
the local presence of jewellery workshops. Particular relevance was given to a possible ingot
bearing impressions of triskles, an iconographic motive absent in the Southern areas of the Iberian
Peninsula, but very frequent at the North-western areas.
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Summary: Two well-known quotations from ancient literature (Strabo and Pliny-the-Elder) are the major references for Roman military presence in the lower Tagus area. From long time ago historians and archaeologists search in the river’s... more
Summary:
Two well-known quotations from ancient literature (Strabo and Pliny-the-Elder) are the major references for Roman military presence in the lower Tagus area. From long time ago historians and archaeologists search in the river’s northern bank the material remains of those places, seen as major rear guard points for Roman conquest of Iberian Peninsula’s
northern parts. Similar settlements are known at Spanish Extremadura, chiefly the huge Roman camp of Cáceres el Viejo, also seen as a key settlement for Roman northern conquest
but not related with the western sites.
The aim of this article is to collect evidence for an actual relationship of the sites from both areas, seen as parts of the same strategy, not just for the northern conquest but also
to control some key areas and resources all along the river. Archaeological evidence shows a similar story for those sites: settlement in the late second century B.C., abandonment
during Sertorian conflict, reoccupation and consolidation under the Principate.
Recent research have documented a more dense occupation during this period in both banks of Tagus river, probably due to the relevant alluvial gold, which exploitation may have begun by then and not just in Julio-Claudian period as usually was thought.
Two well-known quotations from ancient literature (Strabo and Pliny-the-Elder) are the major references for Roman military presence in the lower Tagus area. From long time ago historians and archaeologists search in the river’s northern bank the material remains of those places, seen as major rear guard points for Roman conquest of Iberian Peninsula’s
northern parts. Similar settlements are known at Spanish Extremadura, chiefly the huge Roman camp of Cáceres el Viejo, also seen as a key settlement for Roman northern conquest
but not related with the western sites.
The aim of this article is to collect evidence for an actual relationship of the sites from both areas, seen as parts of the same strategy, not just for the northern conquest but also
to control some key areas and resources all along the river. Archaeological evidence shows a similar story for those sites: settlement in the late second century B.C., abandonment
during Sertorian conflict, reoccupation and consolidation under the Principate.
Recent research have documented a more dense occupation during this period in both banks of Tagus river, probably due to the relevant alluvial gold, which exploitation may have begun by then and not just in Julio-Claudian period as usually was thought.
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Abstract This paper deals with the campanian ware collected from the excavations made in the roman camp Lomba do Canho (Arganil) since 1956 to 1983. It is the tipical homogeneous sample of the B circle produtions of the middle I century... more
Abstract
This paper deals with the campanian ware collected from the excavations made in the roman camp Lomba do Canho (Arganil) since 1956 to 1983. It is the tipical homogeneous sample of the B circle produtions of the middle I century BC (F 2230/2280; F 2300 and F 7500). The other roman artifacts from the site, such as coins, lamps, amphorae, ensure a setting and an occupation dating from the second and third quarter of the First century BC.
Given the lack of studies on campanian ware of the Portuguese territory, a reexamining of the published data was made taking into account the typology of Jean Paul Morel. Though the available information is not yet representative, it may insight the distribution trends of the campanian ware. First: It might be possible that such a kind of ware could have arrived to the Portuguese territory only during the roman conquest, since the most ancient examples date back to the middle of the II century BC. Second: the distribution pattern suggests a strong linkage between the roman presence and the imports of this kind of wares, given the absence of evidence in the nordern territory until the middle of the I century BC. Third: two different, though contemporaries, channels of distribution can be found in the south : one along the shore, and the other confining to the continental areas from the low Guadiana valley.
Some footnotes bring up-to-date the information, as this paper was delivered for publication in 1984.
This paper deals with the campanian ware collected from the excavations made in the roman camp Lomba do Canho (Arganil) since 1956 to 1983. It is the tipical homogeneous sample of the B circle produtions of the middle I century BC (F 2230/2280; F 2300 and F 7500). The other roman artifacts from the site, such as coins, lamps, amphorae, ensure a setting and an occupation dating from the second and third quarter of the First century BC.
Given the lack of studies on campanian ware of the Portuguese territory, a reexamining of the published data was made taking into account the typology of Jean Paul Morel. Though the available information is not yet representative, it may insight the distribution trends of the campanian ware. First: It might be possible that such a kind of ware could have arrived to the Portuguese territory only during the roman conquest, since the most ancient examples date back to the middle of the II century BC. Second: the distribution pattern suggests a strong linkage between the roman presence and the imports of this kind of wares, given the absence of evidence in the nordern territory until the middle of the I century BC. Third: two different, though contemporaries, channels of distribution can be found in the south : one along the shore, and the other confining to the continental areas from the low Guadiana valley.
Some footnotes bring up-to-date the information, as this paper was delivered for publication in 1984.
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Abstract The surface collected data from Cabeço do Crasto, S. Romão, Seia, strongly suggests a very prolonged setting, from late Bronze Age to late Roman period. Nevertheless the excavations from 1984 to 1987 were not sufficient to make... more
Abstract
The surface collected data from Cabeço do Crasto, S. Romão, Seia, strongly suggests a very prolonged setting, from late Bronze Age to late Roman period. Nevertheless the excavations from 1984 to 1987 were not sufficient to make a good characterization of other periods than late Bronze Age; despite some found evidence wich this paper gives full information.
A late roman stone fortification was found in sector B, which was built up with reused materials (a roman ara among them). Despite the lack of other sort of dating evidence, an epigraphic monument was found in a similar stone fortification of sector MAS, which dates from 217 AD, giving a clue to a chronology.
Near the fortification of sector M, some structures were dug up. Again, scarce dating evidence was found besides a few sherds of late olive-green glasses and the mentioned latin inscription. The structures seemed to be built up in the period between Fourth and the Fifth centuries AD.
Some sections of the fortification, some structures and the stratigraphic units 8 and 42 points to an Iron Age occupation.
The surface collected data from Cabeço do Crasto, S. Romão, Seia, strongly suggests a very prolonged setting, from late Bronze Age to late Roman period. Nevertheless the excavations from 1984 to 1987 were not sufficient to make a good characterization of other periods than late Bronze Age; despite some found evidence wich this paper gives full information.
A late roman stone fortification was found in sector B, which was built up with reused materials (a roman ara among them). Despite the lack of other sort of dating evidence, an epigraphic monument was found in a similar stone fortification of sector MAS, which dates from 217 AD, giving a clue to a chronology.
Near the fortification of sector M, some structures were dug up. Again, scarce dating evidence was found besides a few sherds of late olive-green glasses and the mentioned latin inscription. The structures seemed to be built up in the period between Fourth and the Fifth centuries AD.
Some sections of the fortification, some structures and the stratigraphic units 8 and 42 points to an Iron Age occupation.
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O presente texto conheceu um percurso longo e complexo. Nasceu como primeiro capítulo do trabalho As ânforas do acampamento militar romano da Lomba do Canho, Arganil, dissertação científica apresentada em Julho de 1987 como parte das... more
O presente texto conheceu um percurso longo e complexo. Nasceu como primeiro capítulo do trabalho As ânforas do acampamento militar romano da Lomba do Canho, Arganil, dissertação científica apresentada em Julho de 1987 como parte das provas de aptidão científica e capacidade pedagógica (arts. 53 e 58 do E.C.D.U., decreto-lei 19/80), na Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da Universidade Nova de Lisboa. Quando se procedeu à submissão da candidatura de edição desta dissertação, o avaliador do INIC (Instituto Nacional de Investigação Científica) considerou irrelevante a sua inclusão no volume a publicar, razão pela qual não chegou a figurar em: Sobre as ânforas do acampamento romano da Lomba do Canho (Arganil), Lisboa, UNIARQ / INIC, 1989 (Cadernos da UNIARQ, 1).
Por sugestão de Victor S. Gonçalves, o texto foi substancialmente ampliado e modificado com a finalidade de figurar, como o título O Estudo das ânforas, no volume colectivo Arqueologia em Portugal anos 90, que não chegou a ser publicado. Contudo, na forma que então apresentava, foi distribuído como "texto de apoio" aos participantes em diversos cursos livres sobre cerâmica romana, desde 1993. De novo revisto, foi usado como texto de apoio e amplamente distribuído, no âmbito da disciplina de Materiais arqueológicos 1 – as ânforas romanas, na Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa, em 2000.
Trata-se, portanto, de um documento difundido e, inclusivamente, já mais de uma vez citado. Por vezes, perguntavam-me como se deveria citar um documento assim, uma vez que já não faria sentido continuar a reportá-lo a um volume que já não seria publicado. Os novos meios de difusão electrónica, criaram a possibilidade de resolver duas questões em aberto: por um lado, abrir a um mais amplo escrutínio um texto que era conhecido de muitos, mas não acessível a todos; por outro, proporcionar uma forma simples e expedita de citação. Sendo, na plena e total acepção do termo, um texto histórico, espero que possa ainda revelar-se de alguma utilidade para os seus novos leitores.
Por sugestão de Victor S. Gonçalves, o texto foi substancialmente ampliado e modificado com a finalidade de figurar, como o título O Estudo das ânforas, no volume colectivo Arqueologia em Portugal anos 90, que não chegou a ser publicado. Contudo, na forma que então apresentava, foi distribuído como "texto de apoio" aos participantes em diversos cursos livres sobre cerâmica romana, desde 1993. De novo revisto, foi usado como texto de apoio e amplamente distribuído, no âmbito da disciplina de Materiais arqueológicos 1 – as ânforas romanas, na Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa, em 2000.
Trata-se, portanto, de um documento difundido e, inclusivamente, já mais de uma vez citado. Por vezes, perguntavam-me como se deveria citar um documento assim, uma vez que já não faria sentido continuar a reportá-lo a um volume que já não seria publicado. Os novos meios de difusão electrónica, criaram a possibilidade de resolver duas questões em aberto: por um lado, abrir a um mais amplo escrutínio um texto que era conhecido de muitos, mas não acessível a todos; por outro, proporcionar uma forma simples e expedita de citação. Sendo, na plena e total acepção do termo, um texto histórico, espero que possa ainda revelar-se de alguma utilidade para os seus novos leitores.
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Abstract This paper deals with the identification of some examples of a not well known late amphora type called “La Orden”. This amphora was produced at the outskirts of Huelva (formerly Onuba) and it’s a good indicator for the... more
Abstract
This paper deals with the identification of some examples of a not well known late amphora type called “La Orden”.
This amphora was produced at the outskirts of Huelva (formerly Onuba) and it’s a good indicator for the
persistence of fish based products production and distribution from Baetica’s western area (nowadays western
Andalusia) from late Fifth Century until the first half of the Sixth Century. From several ceramic assemblages
where this amphora type was recently identified we essay some comments on import contexts and diffusion
routes in the southernmost area of Lusitania (nowadays Portuguese Algarve).
Keywords: Algarve, Baetica, Late Antiquity, Amphorae, La Orden, Economy.
This paper deals with the identification of some examples of a not well known late amphora type called “La Orden”.
This amphora was produced at the outskirts of Huelva (formerly Onuba) and it’s a good indicator for the
persistence of fish based products production and distribution from Baetica’s western area (nowadays western
Andalusia) from late Fifth Century until the first half of the Sixth Century. From several ceramic assemblages
where this amphora type was recently identified we essay some comments on import contexts and diffusion
routes in the southernmost area of Lusitania (nowadays Portuguese Algarve).
Keywords: Algarve, Baetica, Late Antiquity, Amphorae, La Orden, Economy.
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In 1994 I published a critical survey on the history of Lisbon’s archaeology, in the context of Lisbon’s European Cultural Capital. In that essay I have commented on the major historic landmarks on Lisbon’s archaeology but also in its... more
In 1994 I published a critical survey on the history of Lisbon’s archaeology, in the context of Lisbon’s European Cultural
Capital. In that essay I have commented on the major historic landmarks on Lisbon’s archaeology but also in its major present
constrains.
Twenty one years after, the archaeological activity has change a lot as its legal and institutional framework. Lisbon’s archaeology
has grown exponentially but also has grown its public visibility and the challenges posed by the urban dynamics.
The present communication essays a new critical survey on the last twenty one years of Lisbon’s archaeology, commenting
on its main problems: more reaction than predictive action, with heritage damages and losses; too much agents acting but no
central coordination and information control; a clear difficulty on passing the fresh new data for the general historical discourse on
Lisbon; a notorious incapacity to deal with the archaeological remains and use them as actual historical heritage.
The multicultural town with its three thousand years of existence, cross path between Atlantic and Mediterranean, gate of
Europe to the rest of the world and entrance of the world into Europe that archaeological activity constantly shows is not part of
Lisbon’s postcard.
KEY WORDS:
Lisbon, Archaeology, History, Cultural Heritage.
Capital. In that essay I have commented on the major historic landmarks on Lisbon’s archaeology but also in its major present
constrains.
Twenty one years after, the archaeological activity has change a lot as its legal and institutional framework. Lisbon’s archaeology
has grown exponentially but also has grown its public visibility and the challenges posed by the urban dynamics.
The present communication essays a new critical survey on the last twenty one years of Lisbon’s archaeology, commenting
on its main problems: more reaction than predictive action, with heritage damages and losses; too much agents acting but no
central coordination and information control; a clear difficulty on passing the fresh new data for the general historical discourse on
Lisbon; a notorious incapacity to deal with the archaeological remains and use them as actual historical heritage.
The multicultural town with its three thousand years of existence, cross path between Atlantic and Mediterranean, gate of
Europe to the rest of the world and entrance of the world into Europe that archaeological activity constantly shows is not part of
Lisbon’s postcard.
KEY WORDS:
Lisbon, Archaeology, History, Cultural Heritage.
Research Interests:
This short introduction aims to present a brief historical account on Roman ceramic studies in the westernmost part of the Iberian Peninsula, trying to evaluate the different levels of relevance each author gave to the subject. A first... more
This short introduction aims to present a brief historical account on Roman ceramic studies in the westernmost part of the Iberian Peninsula, trying to evaluate the different levels of relevance each author gave to the subject. A first moment, chiefly with antiquarian perspective, consists only at an appreciation of the Roman nature of the ceramics.
As time passed, new and more refined classification and study tools were acquired and the both local and imported items were combined for a better understanding of the role ceramics could have played in Roman Lusitania. The sixties and the seventies of the twentieth Century can be seen as crucial for the growing quality of Roman ceramics research,
and then Roman wares were seen as relevant sources of information for the history of Roman Empire.
As time passed, new and more refined classification and study tools were acquired and the both local and imported items were combined for a better understanding of the role ceramics could have played in Roman Lusitania. The sixties and the seventies of the twentieth Century can be seen as crucial for the growing quality of Roman ceramics research,
and then Roman wares were seen as relevant sources of information for the history of Roman Empire.
Research Interests:
In the western most part of its Mediterranean empire, Rome creates an Atlantic province: Lusitania. It’s peripheral location and the usual Classical concept of finis terrae gives a false idea of peripheral condition to Lusitania, not so... more
In the western most part of its Mediterranean empire, Rome creates an Atlantic province: Lusitania. It’s peripheral location and the usual Classical concept of finis terrae gives a false idea of peripheral condition to Lusitania, not so peripheral at all after the Britannia conquest under Claudius. Using some examples, we intend to show how the province was actually created, with Avgvsta Emerita being the general model for town planning and public buildings and also how the local resources were used on the process and allow
understanding the design of internal communication network.
understanding the design of internal communication network.
Research Interests:
A navegação consulta e descarregamento dos títulos inseridos nas Bibliotecas Digitais UC Digitalis, UC Pombalina e UC Impactum, pressupõem a aceitação plena e sem reservas dos Termos e Condições de Uso destas Bibliotecas Digitais,... more
A navegação consulta e descarregamento dos títulos inseridos nas Bibliotecas Digitais UC Digitalis, UC Pombalina e UC Impactum, pressupõem a aceitação plena e sem reservas dos Termos e Condições de Uso destas Bibliotecas Digitais, disponíveis em https://digitalis.uc.pt/pt-pt/termos. Conforme exposto nos referidos Termos e Condições de Uso, o descarregamento de títulos de acesso restrito requer uma licença válida de autorização devendo o utilizador aceder ao(s) documento(s) a partir de um endereço de IP da instituição detentora da supramencionada licença. Ao utilizador é apenas permitido o descarregamento para uso pessoal, pelo que o emprego do(s) título(s) descarregado(s) para outro fim, designadamente comercial, carece de autorização do respetivo autor ou editor da obra. Na medida em que todas as obras da UC Digitalis se encontram protegidas pelo Código do Direito de Autor e Direitos Conexos e demais legislação aplicável, toda a cópia, parcial ou total, deste documento, nos casos em que é legalmente admitida, deverá conter ou fazer-se acompanhar por este aviso. [Recensão a] D. P. S. Peacock e D. F. Williams, Amphorae and the Roman economy, an introductory guide Autor(es): Fabião, Carlos Publicado por: Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra
