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Resumen: Analisam-se aqui os itinerários epigráficos empreendidos através dos campos olisipo-nenses ocidentais durante a primeira metade do séc. XVI e reflectidos no Anonymus Neapolitanus e no Codex Valentinus, procurando esclarecer... more
Resumen: Analisam-se aqui os itinerários epigráficos empreendidos através dos campos olisipo-nenses ocidentais durante a primeira metade do séc. XVI e reflectidos no Anonymus Neapolitanus e no Codex Valentinus, procurando esclarecer questões de autoria, cro-nologia e contexto. Definem-se e caracterizam-se ainda os principais 'destinos anti-quaristas' então descobertos e ideados nos arredores de Lisboa, particularmente o san-tuário consagrado ao Sol e à Lua junto à Foz de Colares e a colecção lapidar da Ermida de São Miguel de Odrinhas, ambos no termo de Sintra. Palavras-chave: roteiros epigráficos; destinos antiquaristas; campos olisiponenses ocidentais. Abstract: This paper analyses the epigraphic itineraries undertaken through the western fields of Lisbon in the first half of the 16th century, as inferred from the Anonymus Neapolitanus and the Codex Valentinus, attempting to clarify questions of authorship , chronology and context. The main 'antiquarian spots' by then discovered and idealized in the vicinity of Lisbon are defined and described, in particular the sanctuary consecrated to the Sun and the Moon at the mouth of the river of Cola-res and the stone collection of the chapel of São Miguel de Odrinhas, both in the region of Sintra.
Le locus sacer implanté dans les racines du promunturium Magnum – extrémité occidental de l'Empire –, près de l'embouchure de la rivière de Colares et sur une colline escarpée, ou éperon, frappé par les vagues de l'océan, a été consacré... more
Le locus sacer implanté dans les racines du promunturium Magnum – extrémité occidental de l'Empire –, près de l'embouchure de la rivière de Colares et sur une colline escarpée, ou éperon, frappé par les vagues de l'océan, a été consacré au Soleil, à l'Océan et, à un moment donné, également à la Lune.
Dans cette étude, nous commencerons par présenter et commenter les huit textes dédicatoires qui conservent les invocations respectives – ceux déjà publiées et ceux non publiées –, en essayant de les ordonner, autant que possible, selon un ordre chronologique exact et croissant.
À ces épigraphes, nous ajouterons également l'analyse d'un fragment de linteau avec des vestiges d'inscription, peut-être le monument le plus ancien de l'ensemble – et, pour cette raison, ici en premier lieu ; et un fragment d'un carmen bas-impérial, découverte dans un contexte associé aux vestiges structurels d’une édicule du milieu du IVème siècle, preuve d'un type de culte aux caractéristiques différentes et déjà non-officiel qui y était pratiqué en époque tardive.
Nous finirons en faisant quelques brèves considérations sur la séquence et les étapes des matérialisations discursives, reflétant les successifs changements culturels et idéologiques à Rome au cours des siècles ; les caractéristiques spécifiques des dédicataires et leurs divers comportements ; et, encore, les structures et les espaces rituels qui peuvent déjà être vus dans le contexte de ce locus sacer complexe et largement vécu.
This paper analyses the epigraphic itineraries undertaken through the western fields of Lisbon in the first half of the 16th century, as inferred from the Anonymus Neapolitanus and the Codex Valentinus, attempting to clarify questions... more
This paper analyses the epigraphic itineraries undertaken through the western fields of Lisbon in the first half of the 16th century, as inferred from the Anonymus Neapolitanus and the Codex Valentinus, attempting to clarify questions of authorship , chronology and context. The main 'antiquarian spots' by then discovered and idealized in the vicinity of Lisbon are defined and described, in particular the sanctuary consecrated to the Sun and the Moon at the mouth of the river of Colares and the stone collection of the chapel of São Miguel de Odrinhas, both in the region of Sintra.
In the mid-18th century a farmer accidentally discovered, between Armês and Lameiras, Sintra – “Western zone” of the municipality of Olisipo – a roman stone with a double epitaph engraved in two text columns side by side. Of this finding,... more
In the mid-18th century a farmer accidentally discovered, between Armês and Lameiras, Sintra – “Western zone” of the municipality of Olisipo – a roman stone with a double epitaph engraved in two text columns side by side. Of this finding, meanwhile lost again, we have only a transcription kept in the BibliotecaNacional de Lisboa (COD. 425 fl. 94), hand-written by an anonymous antiquarian who observed the monument in loco. He didn’t, however, realize the epigraph was distributed in two columns, and he transcribed the full lines from left to right not minding the separation between columns or even between lines. As a result, he left a chaotic and, at first sight, incomprehensible text. Hübner (in CIL II 265) attempted to reconstitute the original text but, having assumed that the first word, which he deemed an abbreviation, was common to both epitaphs, he took a complicated and equivocal line of thought that relied on the proposition of two pretenselypalaeohispanicanthroponyms completely unknown: *Alteciniris (gen.) e *Licassi (gen.); and also on an augustal status held by slaves. Due to the authority of the author of CIL II these anomalies were accepted by other investigators, some of high prestige, although others showed some dissent and skepticism. Returning to the original manuscript, we looked in it for clues that might allow, without preconceptions, to elaborate a new reconstitution of the original epigraph. The result is a normal text, devoid of irregularities or inconsistencies: nothing more than the parallel epitaphs of two slaves, AugustinusG(aii) Licini(i) Bassiser(vus) and Euticus L(ucii) Cassi(i) Alterisser(vus) – without any religious role but, solely, their identifying onomastic elements. Later, at the same archaeological site, a further inscription appeared that somehow helps to confirm our reconstitution: the funerary stele of [-] LiciniusBassus.
Research Interests:
2014: «Algumas considerações sobre L. Iulius Reburrinus olisiponensis (CILA I 38) e sobre as lucernas “mineiras” com a marca L.I.R»,, pp. 145-184.
The Lusitanian text of Cabeço das Fráguas follows an evident and clearly intentional symmetry between the two series of declared elements: the animal offerings and the receiving deities. Assuming the theonyms to be in the dative case, the... more
The Lusitanian text of Cabeço das Fráguas follows an evident and clearly intentional symmetry between the two series of declared elements: the animal offerings and the receiving deities. Assuming the theonyms to be in the dative case, the traditional interpretation of this epigraph called for the existence of singular dat. in -a of the first declension in this linguistic context. But this axiom was based on fragile evidences and was refuted by Untermann and others who, however, offered alternatives that lacked solidity themselves. An attempted compromise by the author of the present paper later proved to be likewise erroneous. Now, reviewing the internal features of the text and the specificities of the sanctuary, a radically different proposition is presented, approaching the epigraph of Fráguas as an invocatio and considering the theonyms to be necessarily written, without exception, in the vocative case.
Considerando o cariz manifestamente corrompido do topónimo Χρητίνα registado nos códices da «Geografia» de Ptolomeu (II 5, 6), levando ainda em conta a cadeia de transmissão de tal obra e as mais frequentes tipologias de erros ocorridos... more
Considerando o cariz manifestamente corrompido do topónimo Χρητίνα registado nos códices da «Geografia» de Ptolomeu (II 5, 6), levando ainda em conta a cadeia de transmissão de tal obra e as mais frequentes tipologias de erros ocorridos ao longo desse longo e moroso processo de cópia e transcrição, designadamente a troca de letras entre si com determinadas afinidades paleográficas, e, por fim, atendendo à realidade linguística da Hispania ocidental, território em que se insere o nome em análise, o A. propõe, como correcção que crê mais provável, a forma *Ἀρητίνα. Na busca de paralelos dentro da onomástica lusitano-galaica, conclui-se existir apenas um elemento francamente comparável: o topónimo Aritium que, entre a bacia do curso inferior do Tejo e a do Mondego, qualifica três povoações: Aritium Praetorium, Aritium Vetus e, mais a norte, Aritium. Procurando situar topograficamente Χρητίνα/ /*Ἀρητίνα de forma isenta e despida de preconceitos historiográficos, antigos ou recentes, após proceder a uma minuciosa reanálise das indicações ptolomaicas para a referida faixa territorial inclusa entre o Tejo e o Mondego e ainda para algumas outras mais setentrionais, que o levam a apresentar algumas pequenas – mas determinantes – rectificações quanto a certas coordenadas claramente deturpadas na versão do texto de Ptolomeu que nos chegou, o A. propõe que, com elevada plausibilidade, o ubi do referido lugar se localizasse algures na zona interior do ager Olisiponesis, talvez não longe do respectivo limite norte. Noutro aspecto, tendo-se revelado inconclusivos, a nível filológico e no domínio paleohispânico – e mesmo latino –, a compreensão e o enquadramento da base arit-/aret-, patente em Aritium e, de acordo com a reconstituição ora avançada, também em *Ἀρητίνα, o A. recorda então as numerosas e significativas evidências antroponímicas da vinda de migrantes itálicos, designadamente da Etrúria e sobretudo durante o séc. I a.C., senão mesmo já antes, para o territorium de Olisipo e confinantes, sugerindo que igualmente os topónimos em estudo pudessem afinal revelar-se também eles explicáveis no âmbito dessa mesma conjuntura histórico-demográfica, vindo pois a derivar, in origine, do nome da importante cidade etrusca de Ar(r)etium.
The large framed slab of São Miguel de Odrinhas, Sintra (Portugal), that during the first century A.D. was placed above the door of the mausoleum inside which were entombed the ashes of several members of the gens Aelia and other people... more
The large framed slab of São Miguel de Odrinhas, Sintra (Portugal), that during the first century A.D. was placed above the door of the mausoleum inside which were entombed the ashes of several members of the gens Aelia and other people with familial connections, and that recorded and perpetuated the memory of their names (CIL II 267), was found, transcribed and made known by Portuguese humanists of the mid-16th century, notably André de Resende. Being quickly included in the most important Iberian and international antiquary literature (Morales, Gruterus…), it soon aroused a great deal of interest due to mentioning, among others, a certain L. Aelius Sex. f. Gal. Seneca. Based upon this fact, two impressive historical propositions were created: the first intended to establish a family relation between this unknown individual and the celebrated philosopher Seneca; the second – making use of the convenient reference of a famous forged chronicle, the pseudo-Dexter – interpreted the inscription as the epitaph of a mentioned Lucius Seneca verus Christianus and the solidity of the slab itself as doubtless and material evidence of the apostolic evangelization of the Hispaniae. Eventually, both theories ended up merging, and both persevered until a much later date. The rural peoples who, throughout time, went in pilgrimage to the chapel of São Miguel de Odrinhas came up with a different legendary tradition concerning the old stone table and its puzzling writings, this one with a fabulous background that dissipated only in the 20th century. Along this text the Author presents, analyses and interprets these different “secondary contexts”, not leaving aside the fact that also our current views, both scientific and museological, are themselves new and specific interpretations that, them as well, add to and change the semantic dimension of the studied object.
In this second and final part of his study on the polysemy that was ascribed throughout the centuries to the great slate of the Aelii (CIL II 267), the author analyses and attempts to explain in detail and to culturally contextualize... more
In this second and final part of his study on the polysemy that was ascribed throughout the centuries to the great slate of the Aelii (CIL II 267), the author analyses and attempts to explain in detail and to culturally contextualize another legendary tradition, this one pertaining to the realm of popular belief and fantasy, built around the old stone slab – and its mysterious writing – by the rural pilgrims that, throughout time, travelled from the ends of the territories of Sintra and Mafra to the hermitage of São Miguel de Odrinhas. In the end, the author points out that our own current perspectives, both scientific and museologic, are themselves new and specific interpretations that, equally and obviously, change and add to the original semantic dimension of the investigated object.
The A. focus the inscription in Lusitanian language recently found in Arronches (Portugal). From a direct analysis of the stela, he reviews its reading, presenting a new interpretation. This one considers that theonimic designations... more
The A. focus the inscription in Lusitanian language recently found in Arronches (Portugal). From a direct analysis of the stela, he reviews its reading, presenting a new interpretation. This one considers that theonimic designations precede those of the sacrificial animals – and not the opposite. The A. concludes that the invocative text is organized as followed: (a) a consecration to a “triform” goddess who receives three animals; (b) a “trifunctional” textual block devoted to three deities, culminating with Reva who receives tauro ifate; (c) a textual block devoted to Bandi and Munitie, the two main tutelary deities of the Galaico-Lusitanian area. Then, it follows the complementary text, which contains the personal names and the generic designation of the cultores – ougurani – as well as references to the ritualistic circumstances.

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